originally posted on February 4, 2022

As noted previously, I am presently in possession of roughly $2000 worth of cocaine with the intention to transact with eligible customers, using the constitutional defence (Appendix A starting on page 10 here) that the Crown’s drug legislation is enacted in a manner where fundamental democratic constitutional rights are denied for several years at a time whereas the Charter of Commerce asserted by the Canada Interactive Legislature (CIL) is enacted in a manner where these rights are available to be exercised at all times.

This cocaine is stored in a safe deposit box at my bank in Burnaby. My previous confessions were provided to the Vancouver Police Department (VPD), as that is the city where I live, but my product is stored in Burnaby, so I have now brought a confession to the Burnaby detachment of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and spoken with Constable Kalsi, on February 4, 2022. It was just after noon and we spoke for roughly ten minutes.

For what my opinion may be worth, I found Constable Kalsi to conduct himself with comparable professionalism, respect, pragmatism, and directness as I experienced at the VPD, and I continue to be grateful to see such impeccable expertise and discretion used by law enforcement officers in Canada in my recent encounters with them.

Constable Kalsi kept a copy of the confession that I provided in writing. He informed me that he intends to read it and contact me if he finds that it would be appropriate devotion of the time and attention of public officials to pursue the matter further.

The Constable’s suggestion was that I volunteer my services to a law firm. He claimed that I appear to be quite knowledgeable about the matters I have researched, and this may be a service I could provide for the community that may in return provide me with further expertise as to how to determine the validity of the constitutional claims that I am making.

On the website of the Public Prosecution Service of Canada (PPSC), it is stated that “Drug prosecution files make up the highest percentage of the PPSC’s total caseload”. Despite this, I have now offered to bring a law enforcement officer to my bank where I could provide the cocaine presently in my possession so that it could be used as evidence in charges against me for trafficking, and the officer claimed that this would be a waste of time for everyone involved.

Why would the prosecution service claim to devote so much of its resources to drug prosecution files and yet no action is taken when an individual confesses to the intention to traffic?

It is possible that the RCMP consulted with the PPSC regarding my constitutional claims, and the PPSC does not wish to see these claims legitimized through court proceedings that might affirm their validity, so the RCMP (who are not allowed by law to detain an individual when the PPSC has indicated that it intends not to prosecute) was instructed to avoid detaining me while avoiding giving any suggestion that my constitutional claims have anything to do with the abstention from legal action against me.

It is also possible that public law enforcement policy is to avoid intervening in drug transactions unless the amounts being held by the salesperson are sufficient to justify taking action, and $2000 worth of cocaine is insufficient to merit intervention.

I would love to learn to research Canadian court proceedings to find all drug prosecutions that have taken place and see whether there have been any such proceedings in recent years that involved an amount of cocaine in comparable amounts as in my confession, and to see if any such proceedings resulted in convictions.

My belief is that, if people who transact drugs were required to adhere to the regulations asserted by the CIL and provided the assurance that doing so would give them the confidence that authorities would not intervene in their transactions, then Canada would experience drastically fewer drug-associated deaths than we have seen in the tragic epidemic that has killed thousands in recent times, with those numbers only increasing with time. If that is true, and the Canada Interactive Legislature has taken legislative steps to reduce these deaths despite the renewable oligarchy known as the House of Commons taking no action so that safe access to drugs may be obtained by users, then perhaps this is evidence that an interactively elected legislature is a superior form of democracy over the periodically, pseudo-democratically selected renewable oligarchies that have been the standard in governments for centuries.